Why Did A Stalemate Develop On The Western Front Essay Example

For what reason Did A Stalemate Develop On The Western Front Paper Universal war: How the Stalemate was created In this bit of work I will investigate the occasions between the beginning of the universal war and Christmas 1914 and Ill be looking on how the impasse created. With the Schlieffen plan a wash at the beginning of the war and the subsequent race to the ocean leaving the rival sides on a ceaseless arrangement of channel building long distance races until they were arranged from the Alps in the south toward the North Sea in the north. With the total and practically doltish thinking of central leadership to send fleece clad men against very much secured, all around located, automatic weapons, spiked metal and later heavily clad security fencing, substantial big guns, and long-run precise rifle shoot the life expectancy of a trooper was estimated in seconds during certain fights. With the guard substantial advances of the time combined with absence of development and progression by the offense side the fights that may keep going for quite a long time having gigantic misfortunes and possibly yards are the main additions. Germany in Belgium Germany point was to assault France and haul them out of the War on the grounds that by doing this Germany figure they would have won the war in a middle of two or three months. Germany couldnt go straight through France in light of the fact that intensely partners shielded the Franco-German fringes. The Schlieiffen plan must be given something to do. Germany figured they will have the option to walk through Belgium and Luxembourg to rapidly take France out of the war; they have done it before they will do it once more. They would believe that Russia would require some investment activate; it was a win or bust bet. We will compose a custom article test on Why Did A Stalemate Develop On The Western Front explicitly for you for just $16.38 $13.9/page Request now We will compose a custom exposition test on Why Did A Stalemate Develop On The Western Front explicitly for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Recruit Writer We will compose a custom exposition test on Why Did A Stalemate Develop On The Western Front explicitly for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Recruit Writer The fundamental course through Belgium would be through the level fields of Flanders; 34 divisions would be use to walk through Belgium and 8 divisions would be utilized to keep down the German development from the German fringes. The principle place that German was focusing on was Paris; if Paris was encircled France would have had the option to retaliate yet wouldnt have achievement. German realized that Russia could take as long as about a month and a half to activate their military and Germany realized that they had a month and a half to experience Belgium to get to France. The main issue with the Schlieffen was that Germany relied upon the activity of the other four nations (France, Russia, Britain and Russia). On the off chance that the Schlieffen plan was not followed all damnation would break lose. Germany walked into Belgium however Germany was not all that fortunate in light of the fact that Belgium accumulated all there officers and attempt to stop the German development. The Belgiums realized that Germany was twice their size yet they set up an obstruction from that point boondocks fortresses which was shelled by Germans. Belgium had shroud themselves in underground passages were they hung tight for the German yet the Germans had bomb these passages murdering numerous Belgium fighters. Be that as it may, this brought time for the British and French Army to prepare. The Battle of Mons The British Expeditionary Force sent in the fields of Belgium, drove by Sir John French. The BEF moved into position before Mons making a line along the Mons-Condi Canal, they were simply to one side of the French fifth Army. The BEF delved in at the edge of the Mons Canal anticipating the propelling Germans, who were walking through Belgium following the Schlieffen Plan. After the destruction prior by the Germans General Charles Lanrezac, requested that French hold their situation along the waterway for 24 hours while French and the BEF fell back. On the 23rd August the BEF were assaulted by the German first Army. The German Infantry were advance was repulsed by the British Infantry, the supported an extremely enormous misfortunes; very nearly 1600 British Soldiers were slaughtered and injured. Yet, with the French Plan 17 surrendered the French power withdrew to protect Paris however found that Germany were in Paris they attempted their hardest to push Germany back. English likewise had no other option yet to withdraw also. On the off chance that the French had hold their situation along the waterway they may have had the option to push the German development back and not lose such a significant number of warriors, they may have had the option to overcome German. In any case, Germany may have gotten more soldiers from Germany. The Battle of Marne The French were on guarded in September 1914 however the German were not doing great either. The German Supreme Moltke needed to pull out 100,000 soldiers from the military development from Paris since they discovered that Russia had prepare speedier than expected to and had just attacked Germany. This was demonstrated that the British and French were required. Another difficult that had jumped up inside the German power was that their development had been quick to the point that their food and ammo couldnt keep up. The German troopers were unfed and truly depleted. The German administrator, Von Kluck couldnt go round Paris as it was arranged in light of the fact that the further they escape from their fringe the less gracefully that would be going to get to them. So they chose to propel straight towards it. While the German Advanced on no other decision that foot, the French occupied soldiers to Paris by railroad and afterward they were put on the front, some of them were moved by taxi. The Germany armed force couldnt hold it any more extended they were tired and overstretched. English and French powers joined had the option to stop the German armed force along the River Marne. The British and the French had counter assaulted and pushed the Germans back to the stream Aisne, however they couldnt drive them out of France completely. The Race to the Sea The Battle of Marne was a defining moment, for every one of the 3 nations. The most popular Plan (Schlieffen) had fizzled and Germany was up to speed in a two-front war. The German general understood that they couldnt get through the foe lines; Moltke was supplanted by officer Falkenhayn who chose the most ideal approach to get to your adversary lines was to defeat them his foe lines. The German were diving in to monitor themselves from the propelling partners. The charge went on twelfth October. This turned into the race to the ocean. The Germans charged west towards to the ocean. Every military attempted to outmaneuver the other to accomplish the advantage, the British and French moved soldiers to hinder the Germans at whatever point it appears as though they are going to endeavored to get through. The First Battle of Ypres The clash of Ypres was in Belgium, this was one of the key fights in the race to the ocean. As yet attempting to get through every others channel line, from the twelfth October to eleventh November 1914 the BEF lost around 50,000 men and the Germans lost around 100,000; yet the British held the significant ground-they kept the control of the English Channel Ports which implied they could be provided with types of gear and fortifications. By November 1914 there was a gridlock, the BEF had been butchered. The French had just endured around 1 million dead or injured in only 10 weeks. Regardless of this happenings, the French armed force attempted to get through the German lines in Artois and Champagne in December however they were beaten severely back with overwhelming misfortunes. As 1914 closures, the battling had arrive at impasse which was to go on until 1918. Burrowing Trenches The explanation of why channels were fabricated was to demonstrate them spread from their foe expert riflemen and shell bombs. Channels extended from the ocean (the English Channel) toward the west of the Alps in Switzerland this was known has the Western Front. The channels were burrowed at seven feet down and six feet wide, they needed to place it in a crisscross example to keep the foe from shooting in an orderly fashion. The space between the contradicting on the Western Front was somewhere in the range of 100 and 300 yards separated. On the Eastern Front and Middle East the zones on the combat zone was excessively immense and the good ways from the manufacturing plant that sells shells, shots, concrete and spiked metal was extraordinary to the point that the channel fighting in the European style was not eventuate. There were three standard approaches to burrow a channel: digging in, sapping and burrowing. Settling in, where a man would remain on a superficial level and burrow downwards, was generally productive as it permitted a burrowing gathering to burrow the length of the channel at the same time. Be that as it may, settling in left the diggers uncovered over the ground and consequently must be completed when liberated from perception, for example, in a back territory or around evening time. Sapping included expanding the channel by burrowing endlessly toward the end face. The diggers were not uncovered however just a couple of men could chip away at the channel at once. Burrowing resembled sapping with the exception of that a top of soil was left set up while the channel line was built up then evacuated when the channel was fit to be involved. The rules for British channel development expressed that it would take 450 men 6 hours (around evening time) to finish 250 meters of a cutting edge channel framework. From that point the channel would require consistent support to forestall weakening brought about by climate or shelling. Kinds of Weapons The kinds of weapons utilized in 1914 were things like automatic weapons which could cause a great deal of harm and kill officers in the open, they could start up to 600 shots every moment, assault rifles were regarded to be a mass decimation. Big guns was the new and overhauled gun they could start up to 170 million shells in that time. However, the Germans have various plans, the German Scientist have been arranging the greatest mounted guns at any point known, its name was Big Bertha it was so incredible it can discharge at the core of Paris from 120 kilometers away. The shells were additionally redesigned. Rather than the normal shells, they had high-touchy shells which were flimsy packaging and brimming with small lead pellets. This was powerful to the point that it executed hundreds and thousands of men; it likewise blew of the ground which made

Expression of Desires In Arabic Women’s Novels :: Arab Culture Cultural Essays

Articulation of Desires In Arabic Women’s Novels Picking a unique and drawing in point that can traverse each of the five of the totally different authors’ books we inspected this semester end up being a troublesome assignment. Despite the fact that there are surely likenesses between each book and overlying topics that interface them, at last I didn’t need to get secured into the tricky and dangerous domain of putting books together exclusively in light of the fact that one, they are totally composed by ladies; or two, they all develop out of the Arabic world. Be that as it may, there are positively expansive topics present in the entirety of the books, and I decided to concentrate on how ladies express, or can’t express their wants and needs, and how the capacity to do so prompts organization and opportunity in one’s own life. A woman’s wants, sexual and something else, appears to be shockingly smothered or not permitted in every novel. At the point when it emerges, it appears that over and over again one’s own longing is supplanted with the should be attractive for men, thus these women’s needs are put aside for the male protagonists’ wishes. I need to investigate this subject in every novel, investigating when a lady can communicate want, when it must give way and come in just short of the leader to a man’s needs, and how, at last, it appears to free the ladies who decided to make their own way as indicated by their needs, dreams, and objectives. As we finish the semester and close our conversations on Arabic ladies, I think it’s imperative to take note of that however now and again these ladies have office in their lives, frequently, regardless of various childhoods, social/political/monetary status, locales of home, and direct contact with Western impact, they are eventually unfit to assume all out responsibility for their own lives. Clearly there are fluctuating degrees to which this is relevant, and positively a portion of the ladies are more grounded than others, yet in general, I think an extremely key message that these female creators are conveying is that women’s battle for opportunity and correspondence is as yet a fight that is being battled - everywhere throughout the world without a doubt, yet unquestionably in the Middle East. Mainstays of Salt, maybe the novel with the most grounded female character, is the one novel where want is seen and nothing prevents Maha from communicating her needs, both explicitly and when it concerns her better half, child, and father.

The Summer Song Essay Example for Free

The Summer Song Essay When youre are youthful, it feels like life will continue everlastingly, and youre exceptionally upbeat. Unfading is utilized to uncover the young men expanded personalities, as they flaunt to one another and Linda. Value shell need to pay This is adding to reimbursing obligations, which is referenced all through the play, alluding to various characters. It could likewise be a slight notice of Mrs Johnstone, Mickeys mother who brought forth them both. She is as yet connected to them two, in any event, venturing to such an extreme as to give a memento with her image to Edward, who is presently Mrs Lyons child. What destiny the later seasons bring, This is adding to the analogy of the sheep in spring. It is indicating towards the inescapable destiny of the butcher house that sheep face, which the young men before long will. It is referenced to stress the crowd. The verses that fit into the anticipating classification are: without young and blameless, This is to stress that the young men are still kids. Chippy This discloses to us that Mickey is approaching an amazing finish. In the Its only a game scene, Mickey is compromised by broiling in chip shop fat, so this is a sign that the young men he will kick the bucket soon. Last cigarette Cigarettes are related with death. Last cigarette is a detainees last extravagance before theyre hanged. Its likewise a reference to the scriptural last dinner. Ship pontoon This is the possibility that the three are being taken to the place where there is the dead on the River Styx. Broken jugs in the sand, Broken jugs in the sand are covered up, and when you incidentally remain on them they shock you. This is alluding to how uninformed the youngsters are of their fates. Oil in the water This brings thoughts of contamination, and debasement and spreading destiny. Oil and water dont blend, they will constantly separate. This resembles Mickey and Edwards fellowship. The utilization of we in the last passage advises us that we are weak, and it is the storyteller telling us that hes in a similar circumstance as us, unfit to tell the characters of their destiny. We don't know whether he is being mocking, or might really want to tell them. Anticipate no adjustments in the climate, This advises us that this cheerful summer will reach a conclusion. The tune is comprised of rhyming couplets, which make it sound silly, and includes a feeling of absolution, so after the last rhyme, you know its over. For youthful, free and blameless, theres single word for every kid. It additionally causes them to appear to be powerless. You realize that the guiltlessness will be lost after the melody. dreams and fifteen. Have a jostling Para rhyme which hinders rapidly, similar to what will befall their lives. The tune of the Summer Song is the first and the last tune, Tell me its false rehashed in various subjects. Our psyches are reclaimed all through the past snapshots of the play and the primary scene when we see Mrs Johnstone with the two dead young men. This associates the crowd more to the characters, causing it to feel more earnestly when the young men kick the bucket. It proposes this has occurred previously, and will happen once more. After the principal refrain there is a respite in the music, to underscore the storytellers final words, The value shell need to pay for simply being there. The crowd harps on the possibility of the obligation that Linda should reimburse, to compensate for Mrs Johnstones obligation. The line after stopping for a moment: But disregard them, let them proceed to play, infers that late spring is the pinnacle of the year, when everything is at its best, and before the finish of it everything is completely evolved. It makes you consider recreation, fun, warmth and life. Shockingly its short lived, and is soon finished, offering approach to harvest time when everything is squandering ceaselessly, shrinking. A portion of the verses could be depicted as mocking. The tune begins in Paradise, and afterward goes to a chip shop, at that point haziness, at that point a squalid sea shore. The earth appears to deteriorate and more terrible. It makes you wonder where they will be straightaway. The main section is played with a guitar and carnival music and the second is a shabby saxophone, which conflicts with what the storyteller is educating us concerning them being guiltless. The last stanza is said in an unrealistic tone, which makes us remorseful on the grounds that we realize that these guiltless, promising kids will before long be dead. Toward the beginning of the tune, when the kids surge on, it gives you a thought of their joyful nature. The storyteller collaborates with the kids all through the scene. At the point when he is the rifle go man in the principal refrain, he offers the weapon to the youngsters, as though he is shrewdly indicating their future. When Linda takes it and misses every one of the three shots, we understand how they have changed, on the grounds that when they were more youthful Linda was an amazing shot. The storyteller tosses them a coconut, and they start a round of piggy-in-the-center and Linda gets trapped in the center, so, all things considered they freeze. This is the point at which the storyteller discusses the young lady in the pair, the value shell pay only for being there. It underlines and foretells that she should pick between the two. The subject of obligation appears through here, with the obligation moving to Linda. In the following section we see them lighting a cigarette, inclining toward the light post, and fitting their activities to the words. It has a substantially more adult feel than the past refrain. In the fourth stanza they are at the sea shore, taking pictures, the first of the two young men, the second of Edward and Linda and the third of Mickey and Linda. Edward and Lindas appear to be substantially more certifiable and all around coordinated. At that point the storyteller snaps a photo of the three. This makes the crowd wish that the kids knew about their prospects and it makes the image look vacant, and unimportant. At the point when the three leave he says, and just if them three could remain like that eternity, As if the image he took could have been something other than a preview. It makes you wish time could have halted. The music of the tune is coordinated to the activities and words. The storyteller is continually drifting out of sight, hanging tight for an opportunity to turn out to be a piece of the scene. He is a steady nearness all through so the crowd are rarely loose. They are continually hanging tight for him to present another contort in the story. Prior to the Summer Song, he is very far away, for the most part in a corner. During it however, he is permitted to come nearer to them, and his dangers become significantly more risky. The fallen angels got your number hes gazing through your window changes to Hes shouting directly inside you. The vicinity of the storyteller to the characters influences the pressure of the scene. The general message of the play is that the disparity of classes is extremely terrible thing, which is authorized as we watch the siblings develop from infants to men, and watch them kick the bucket. We become joined to them, and lament their demise, as though its our own deficiency. The tune is the point at which they make the change from young men to men, and when they become their own kin and their actual sentiments start to appear. Mickey speaks to the lower class, and Edward the higher. Linda is allurement and the storyteller is destiny. We see the lower class and the high society destroy one another. The subsequent demonstration is darker, as the fantasy universe of youngster hood, which is reflected in the main portion of the mid year melody, turns into the chilly unforgiving truth of the 80s. I feel that the message that Russell needed to engrave upon the crowd is: class is a merciless thing, destroying loved ones. The play caused me to feel dismal, and stunned by how Mickey was made distraught enough to shoot his own sibling.

Why I love being a PA My letter to a prospective MD

Dear Pre-Med, This is why I love being a physician assistant: I was pre-med for three years and completed my prerequisites as an undergraduate at the University of Washington in Seattle. I graduated with a bachelor's of science degree in Zoology. While working at the campus health center as a phlebotomist, I met a physician assistant. I chose the PA career because I wanted to work in family practice and after working alongside doctors for several years I no longer envied their lifestyle. For me, PA was a perfect fit. As a physician assistant, I get to do most of what the doctors do but did not have to complete a residency. I took out half the student loans, I don't pull call, and I can be a dad to my two kids and a husband to my wife. These are my greatest joys in life. But these are words of a man who is 35 and has found hiscalling. It sounds to me like you are on the right track. I would suggest (if youhaven'talready) to start collecting some health care experience. This will ground you and give you the patient care experience you need to besuccessful: both as an applicant and in making your decision between PA and MD. Med school teaches you how to memorize and regurgitate medical facts, life will teach you how to be a great doctor, or in your case, a wonderful pediatrician. Nothing is better than the joy of treating children. It is one of my greatest pleasures I have at my job and continues to be one of the main reasons I have remained in my current position for ten years. I applied for the National Health Service Corps Scholarshipwhile in PA school and was accepted into the program during my second year. They paid all my student loans and gave me a $1,000 monthly stipend while I was completing the program. Upon graduation, my wife and I relocated to a small community clinic in Greenfield, CA where I have served since. It is a wonderful family practice. As thesaying goes - from the cradle to the grave. A career in medicine is the most rewarding career in the world. If you love people (pediatricians treat adults as well, they are called parents) and you love medicine, you will be very happy with your decision. Doctors have demanding schedules, extremely long hours and medical school is one of the toughest experiences you will both love and hate. After four years of medical school, you must still complete your internship and residency, and possibly a fellowship. It's a long and arduous road. To be a great doctor, one must dedicate her life to the calling. I knew after two months as a PA student living in the hospital, sleeping 3-4 hour per night and living under halogen lights wondering about things (like the sun) that I would never have been able to make this into a lifestyle. Of course, I know many a doctor who would have it no other way. I am available if you ever have any questions, don't hesitate to drop me a line. I wish you the best as you begin your journey. Also, I had two college counselors tell me a career in medicine was notfeasiblefor me. I am so proud to have proved them wrong. Loss and setbacks are part of the journey, maybe the most important part, but they are not bad words. If you want it badly enough, I am confident that you can reach any goal you hope to accomplish! Warmly, Stephen Pasquini PA-C You may also like -I Want to Know if I am Making the Right Choice to be a Physician Assistant? Let me guess, you're asking yourself . . . "Am I am making the right choice of becoming a physician assistant over a doctor?" "Am I letting myself down?" "Am I selling out?" "Am I letting my family down?" "Am I giving []A Surgeon Speaks: 7 Reasons Why You Should Choose PA Over MD I am a fellowship-trained surgeon. Besides the financial aspect, the following 7 points will make your decision of PA vs. MD easy: 1. It takes on an average at least 15 years (after high school) of head in the sand (books) to []The #1 Trait that Determines Long Term Success as a Physician Assistant "Success is the ability to go from one failure to another with no loss of enthusiasm." - Sir Winston Churchill I've come to realize that its not the best genetics, the highest GPA, or the most pertinent healthcare experience that []

Case Study Case Analysis Case Study - 2888 Words

Running head: CASE ANALYSIS 1 CASE ANALYSIS 9 Case Analysis (Author’s name) (Institutional Affiliation) Introduction The case is about Modrow Company, the subsidiary of Tri-American Corporation based in Canada. The branch has 1000 employees whose primary function is fabricating aluminum. The advantages of Modrow are its location and the stable employees. The case focuses on Modrow s expansion and modernization which the organisation did because of the estimated increase in the sales associated with building products. Dick Spencer is the newly appointed Modrow vice†¦show more content†¦He managed to change the losses experienced in Birmingham to profits thereby streamlining the operations to meet the objectives of the corporation. However, operations in Modrow were challenging because Dick arrived in the branch amidst modernization and expansion changes. There was not much he could change despite the process being expensive and resulting in massive losses. It was also difficult to execute new methods and objectives since Modrow had recently received a lot of changes and the em ployees were adapting to the new operations. Modrow, therefore, was a challenge to Dick because he inherited the problems that resulted from the modernization and expansion changes. It was difficult for Dick to come up with better ways of doing business because the branch had to adapt and implement the new changes enforced by the administration. It was also difficult to understand the operations and make decisions that would steer the branch it a profitable path. Additionally, the employees had an existing culture that determined how the employees conducted business. It was challenging for Modrow to introduce a new culture without causing confusion, unrest, and resentment from the leaders present in the branch. Alternatives As mentioned, Modrow is facing challenges regarding profits because of Dick s poor management skills. 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Risk Management Questionnaire - 1438 Words

Model Question Paper MF0009 Insurance and Risk Management Section A: 1 – 20: each question carries 1-mark Section B: 21 – 31: each question carries 2-mark Section C: 32-38: each question carries 4-mark Section A 1. What does risk imply? a) Bright future b) Doubt about future c) Worse position d) No future 2. Chance may be defined as: a) A favourable outcome b) A different outcome c) Fluctuating outcome d) Undefined outcome 3. One of the following is not the meaning of Risk – a) Risk as the cause b) Risk as loss c) Risk as the subject d) Risk as the likelihood 4. Chance is _________ Risk a) Same as b) Different from c) Similar to d) Not related to 5. Objective risk is defined as a) Relative variation of actual and expected loss b)†¦show more content†¦The higher the probability that an unwanted event will occur, _________ the risk. a) The Smaller is b) The Greater is c) No change in d) Can’t say anything about 26. The highest authority to settle a consumer dispute under COPRA Act a) Dist forum b) State commission c) National commission d) Apex court 27. The order issued by the consumer forum does not include one of the following – a) To remove the defect pointed out from the goods in question b) To replace the goods with new one c) To pay compensation awarded by the forum d) to return the defective product 28. Which of the following is true? a) The agent gets 2% commission on single premium b) The agents gets 7.5% commission on annuity business c) 40% commission is paid on first years premium d) No commission is paid for revival of policy 29. Treaty method is a formal and ---------- agreement between two insurers. a) Legally binding b) Informal agreement c) Contract d) Mutual Consent 30. 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Roman Empire vs. Han Empire free essay sample

Han vs. Rome The Han Dynasty and the Roman Empire were both very prosperous during the time period of 200 B. C. E. -400 C. E. The Han Dynasty reached the Pax Sinica, under the rule of Emperor Wu Ti, while the Roman Empire reached the Pax Romana, under the rule of Augustus (Octavian). Their development was steady and with the right leader, both civilizations were able to reach a Golden Age. Rome and China progressed in different areas but they both benefited and were successful nonetheless. One political similarity between the civilizations was that both had a central overnment. Many things would have been more difficult, Rome would not have been able to enforce their laws and Emperor Wu would not have been able to strengthen the Great Wall of China. A political difference was that the Roman Empire was able to trade easily since it was near a body of water. We will write a custom essay sample on Roman Empire vs. Han Empire or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page The Romans had access to North Africa, the Middle East, and Europe. However, the Chinese were only able to spread inland and it took them a lot more effort to trade. A social similarity between the Han Dynasty and the Roman Empire was that they both had a common currency. Since both civilizations have a central government; this was a smart move, it would keep the region more united. A major social difference was that the Han Dynasty accepted and believed in Confucianism while the Roman Empire followed Christianity. This difference in religion was caused simply by the choice of the region. A similarity in the economy of Rome and China include the fact that, both countries taxed their citizens heavily. This occurred because both civilizations occupied a large area and taking care of everything was expensive, so taxes were high. This eventually led to the decline and the end of both empires. An economic difference is that the Han Dynasty had many resources while the Roman Empire only had metals. This gave a great boost the Han economy since it did not have to rely on other countries and had everything they needed. The Han Dynasty and the Roman Empire have both shaped current day societies; such as laws and roads from Rome, civil service and common currencies from China. Present day is unimaginable without these things, things that we wouldnt have if it were not for the Chinese and the Romans.

The Life of Selena Essay Example For Students

The Life of Selena Essay The Life of SelenaSelena was born in 1971 in Lake Jackson, Texas. She was also raised and went to school in Lake Jackson, Texas. By the year 1975, Selena had begun to sing, and with the help of her father she formed her own band. They were called â€Å"Selena Y Los Dinos†. During that time of year, Selena Y Los Dinos made their first recording. Selena had no time for dating because of all of her tours. However, she fell in love with the guitarist from her band. His name is Christopher Perez. In 1992, Selena and Christopher got married. Selena became a very famous singer. In 1993, she held her first Mexican Press Conference in Monterrey Mexico. During the year 1993, she also had her own line of clothing and she opened her own clothing store by the name of â€Å"Selena etc. Boutique†. Selena became so famous that in the year 1994 she received a Double Platinum award for her album â€Å"Selena Live†, and she also received a Quadruple Platinum award for her album â⠂¬Å"Amor Prohibido†. â€Å"Amor Prohibido† reached the #1 song on the Billboard Latin Chart. Also in the year 1994, â€Å"Selena Live† won a Grammy for the Best Mexican-American Album. We will write a custom essay on The Life of Selena specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now Selena had a record-braking crowd of more than 61,000 fans when she performed at the Houston Astrodome in the year 1995. During that year, she also recorded her crossover album â€Å"Dreaming of You†.After so much success in her life at such an early age, Selena was shot and killed by her own associate Yolanda Saldivar on March 31, 1995.

Marketing Mix Finagle a Bagel Essay Example

Marketing Mix Finagle a Bagel Essay Example Marketing Mix Finagle a Bagel Paper Marketing Mix Finagle a Bagel Paper Products Variable: Finagle a Bagel does not only sell plain Bagels but they also have 14 varieties of eagle sandwiches, and salads that are all linked to their core concept. The ingredients used to make these menus are natural chemical free ingredients. Finagle a Bagel strives for uniqueness; they study their target market and determine through informal survey and competition research what their customer want. Unlike other competitor the firm does not believe in copying or Implementing what Is trendy, the firm believes In Innovative yet appealing Ideas. A mix of Good, Service. ND Ideas are the elements utilized to assure that the firm introduces new products that are not only unique but successful. Products are prepared fresh and based upon each customers preference. Pricing Variable: Finagle a Bagel has a policy that states that regardless of the cost they would not compromise the quality of their products. They maintain the same cost for their product regardless of the store locati ons because they understand that customers want to be treated fairly In spite of where they live. The firm studies the best possible ingredients, the cost of the same before they use them for their recipes. Competition price analysis Is also a determining factor for the Finagle a Bagel. Customer surveys aka place before launching a new product with the purpose of determining the expected price that customers are willing to pay for the same. A frequent Finagler Card Is another element that the firm has Implemented with success. Cardholders receive one point for every dollar spent at the store. The points can be redeemed for coffee, juice, sandwiches, or a dozen of bagels. Distribution Variable: Finagle a Bagel has 17 retail stores in the metro and suburban areas of Boston. City stores are all about speed while maintaining high end customer relations. Suburban stores are more about service and are more customers oriented. Currently the organization has 1 wholesales distribution store. The firm has a special relationship with Shaw Supermarkets which Is linked to 200 other stores. This factor makes Handle secular tout 350 honorable customers per year. Handle Adages are In grocery store freezers and in the deli area. They also have daily fresh bagel distributors and retailing partners. The most impressive method of distribution that the firm has is Bagels by Mail. Customers can place orders on the firms website. The abovementioned demonstrates that more than retail stores the company has strong commitment to making their products available at convenient location for their customers. Having the product availability in the desired quantity to as many target market customers is the most important factor of the distribution variable. Promotion Variable: Finagle a Bagel has promotion and advertisement methods with the intent to drive in new customers and increase the awareness of the firm in the market. These campaigns are aggressive but yet they are spontaneous. The intention of the marketing department is that the first time consumers have a memorable experience. 2. Identify which forces from the marketing environment impact Finagle a Bagel. The forces that impact any business are competitors, new entrants, substitutes, suppliers, and customers. The economic forces may threat the strategies that the firm has implemented. The recession has affected the disposable income and the discretionary income that individuals have after the expenditures. The willingness to spend is affected by the economic conditions of the consumer. Nevertheless, Finagle a Bagel is the leading bagel provider in the area because of what they stand for. Consumers stand behind the brand regardless of the economical forces that are affected. 3. Describe how the six forces in the marketing environment impact the way Finagle A Bagel operates. As all companies Finagle a Bagel marketing unit has to rely in environmental scanning to be able to cope with the environmental forces. Environmental scanning is the process that includes searching out information that is unavailable to most people and sorting out what is important and what is not. Mainly the following are factors that affect the environment forces and help managers develop competitive intelligence. What are the competitors? What are the barriers in the industry? What are the substitutes that exist for their products? What is their level of dependence on the suppliers? How dependent is the firm on powerful customers? Competitive Forces: Competitive forces refer to the number of competitors that a firm has in the market. Finagle a Bagel not only competes with those firms that make bagels, but also with the ones that make salads and sandwiches. The firm has a practice that helps them determine how customers react to trendy and hot practices that other business adopt by conducting informal surveys. They like the fact that they are considered trend setters instead of followers. To maintain their competitive advantage Finagle uses fresh products, clean and inviting restaurants, as well as competitive and customer oriented staff. They make sure that their products are a healthy option for the consumer. In order to assure that they are bowing to the uniqueness that they strive for many times they wait to gather the correct ingredients to be able to complete one of their innovations. Economic Forces: Economic forces influence both the company and the customers decision to buy. Penn. Currently we are facing recession times where the Discretionary income is lower and the buying power is affected negatively. Finagle a Bagel has a policy that no matter where their restaurants are located customers must be able to pay the same. They are committed to not letting the cost of products affect the quality that they stand for. Political Forces: Political, legal and regulatory forces are interrelated. Foundations of Marketing) Elected appointed government officials are the ones responsible many times for enacting legislations and legal decision making. Mainly their views are a reflection of their political point of view. Marketing decisions and strategies are affected by the political forces. Many times companies have the need to seek for legal advice which tends to be very costly. This is the main reason that marketers find valuable engaging in direct negotiations with gove rnmental personnel or through firms that are hired to serve as a direct representative of the company, for example consultant or lobbyist. This action helps to reduce bureaucracy and favor the company with particular positions that these may have. It is unclear to me if Finagle a Bagel is a reactive a proactive firm Legal and Regulatory Forces: These are the political, legal, and regulatory forces of the marketing environment and they are intrinsically inter-related. Regulatory forces like for example The Public Health and Safety Department which helps restaurant owners follow standards that will guarantee clean and safe food and environs for its consumers. The Public Health Commission ensures that regulations are met and those in violations are sanctioned.

Academic Writing Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Academic Writing - Essay Example The writer must also try and avoid the use of alliteration in order to make the essay sound definitive. Every excellent piece of academic writing must contain a break between sentences; longer sentences are tougher to comprehend and thus parenthetical clauses should be avoided as far as possible. The writing should be as precise as possible because making use of various adjectives and adverbs within a single sentence creates the impression of redundancy. As far as possible, the writer should avoid writing with contractions and exclamation marks should not be used. The style of the writing also needs to be consistent in order to maintain a flow of the article and keep the reader hooked. A proper critique and evaluation of the subject must be followed with a summary, conclusion as well as proper references as well. A rhetorical mode is essentially a strategy that helps to present a piece of writing. Various rhetorical modes of academic writing are used in the form of a compare contrast method, cause and effect relationship, argument, classification, exemplification, description and narration. Every paragraph within such a piece of writing should contain at least one of these modes because they assist in making careful analyses of the subject that is being talked about within the paper. Research terminology on the other hand, helps a person to comprehend how one may read and interpret an academic essay in order to apply what one has learnt in an effective manner. They include aspects like an abstract, construct, correlation, statistics, validity etc. Finally, every academic article is also a piece of intellectual property; it must thus have an honest attribution attached to it. Plagiarism is a way of stealing another person’s written work and using it as one’s own. In other words, plagiarism means using accidentally or deliberately, another person’s written material without providing

Productivity Management Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Productivity Management - Essay Example He illustrates the benefits of utilizing the system in a managerial perspective. Such advantages include diminished stress, decreased rates of procrastination, work balance, increased motivation, vitality, and overall achievements. In addition, the team will be more focused in achievement of goals. There is a rise in time improvement and people management, creativity and freedom. A leader cannot be successful without the cohorts of the scheme described above. It all assists the leader to work and lead others strategically, working towards achievement of clear goals (Allen, 2008). The parallels presented by the author are very valid and relate well with the five functions of management. Without proper incorporation of the five functions of management in any firm, the model described above cannot work to great success. The five functions of management are planning, organizing, directing, staffing, coordination and to some extent budgeting. Proper utilization of each management function will bring order, saving time and hence increasing productivity as the extent of confusion is decreased largely. Planning acts as a cover-up of all the other functions of management. The concepts presented aid one to have a planned life, a life that will demonstrate order as one moves in a certain direction to achieve leadership objectives. In essence, the parallels presented work hand in hand with the five functions of management to influence to a leader’s life

Linguistics and Interjections Essay Example for Free

Linguistics and Interjections Essay In Western philosophy and linguistic theory, interjections—that is, words like oof, ouch, and bleah—have traditionally been understood to indicate emotional states. This article offers an account of interjections in Q’eqchi’ Maya that illuminates their social and discursive functions. In particular, it discusses the grammatical form of interjections, both in Q’eqchi’ and across languages, and characterizes the indexical objects and pragmatic functions of interjections in Q’eqchi’ in terms of a semiotic framework that may be generalized for other languages. With these grammatical forms, indexical objects, and pragmatic functions in hand, it details the various social and discursive ends that interjections serve in one Q’eqchi’ community, thereby shedding light on local values, norms, ontological classes, and social relations. In short, this article argues against interpretations of interjections that focus on internal emotional states by providing an account of their meanings in terms of situational, discursive, and social context. p a u l k o c k e l m a n is McKennan Post-Doctoral Fellow in Linguistic Anthropology in the Department of Anthropology at Dartmouth College (Hanover, N. H. 03755, U. S. A. [paul. [emailprotected] edu]). Born in 1970, he was educated at the University of California, Santa Cruz (B. A. , 1992) and the University of Chicago (M. S. , 1994; Ph. D. , 2002). His publications include â€Å"The Collection of Copal among the Q’eqchi’-Maya† (Research in Economic Anthropology 20:163–94), â€Å"Factive and Counterfactive Clitics in Q’eqchi’-Maya: Stance, Status, and Subjectivity,† in Papers from the Thirty-eighth Annual Regional Meeting of the Chicago Linguistics Society (Chicago: Linguistics Society, in press), and â€Å"The Interclausal Relations Hierarchy in Q’eqchi’ Maya† (International Journal of American Linguistics 69:25–48). The present paper was submitted 1 vi 01 and accepted 27 xii 02. 1. A longer version of this article was presented at the workshop â€Å"Semiotics: Culture in Context† at the University of Chicago in January 2001. Chris Ball, Anya Bernstein, John Lucy, and Michael Silverstein all provided very helpful commentary. This article also greatly bene? ted from suggestions made by Benjamin S. Orlove and several anonymous referees. Western philosophy and linguistic theory have traditionally considered interjections at the periphery of language and primordially related to emotion. For example, the Latin grammarian Priscian de? ned interjections as â€Å"a part of speech signifying an emotion by means of an unformed word† (Padley 1976:266). Muller (1862) ? thought that interjections were at the limit of what might be called language. Sapir (1921:6–7) said that they were â€Å"the nearest of all language sounds to instinctive utterance. † Bloom? eld (1984[1933]:177) said that they â€Å"occur under a violent stimulus,† and Jakobson (1960: 354) considered them exemplars of the â€Å"purely emotive stratum of language. † While interjections are no longer considered peripheral to linguistics and are now carefully de? ned with respect to their grammatical form, their meanings remain vague and elusive. In particular, although interjections are no longer characterized purely in terms of emotion, they are still characterized in terms of â€Å"mental states. † For example, Wierzbicka (1992:164) characterizes interjections as â€Å"[referring] to the speaker’s current mental state or mental act. † Ameka (1992a:107) says that â€Å"from a pragmatic point of view, interjections may be de?ned as a subset of items that encode speaker attitudes and communicative intentions and are contextbound,† and Montes (1999:1289) notes that many interjections â€Å"[focus] on the internal reaction of affectedness of the speaker with respect to the referent. † Philosophers have offered similar interpretations. For example, Herder thought that interjections were the human equivalent of animal sounds, being both a â€Å"language of feeling† and a â€Å"law of nature† (1966:88), and Rousseau, pursuing the origins of language, theorized that protolanguage was â€Å"entirely interjectional† (1990:71). Indeed, such philosophers have posited a historical transition from interjections to language in which the latter allows us not only to index pain and express passion but also to denote values and exercise reason (D’Atri 1995). 2 Thus interjections have been understood as a semiotic artifact of our natural origins and the most transparent index of our emotions. Such an understanding of interjections is deeply rooted in Western thought. Aristotle (1984), for example, posited a contrastive relationship between voice, proper only to humans as instantiated in language, and sound, shared by humans and animals as instantiated in cries. This contrastive relation was then compared with other analogous contrastive relations, in particular, value and pleasure/pain, polis and household, and bios (the good life, or political life proper to humans) and zoe (pure life, shared by all living things). Such a contrast is so pervasive that modern philosophers such as Agamben (1995) have devoted much of their scholarly work to the thinking out of this tradition and others built on it such as id versus ego in the Freudian paradigm. In short, the folk distinction made between interjections and language 2. D’Atri (1995:124) argues that, for Rousseau, â€Å"interjections . . . are sounds and not voices: they are passive registerings and as such do not presuppose the intervention of will, which is what characterizes human acts of speech. † 467 468 F c u r r e n t a n t h ro p o l o g y Volume 44, Number 4, August–October 2003 proper maps onto a larger set of distinctions in Western thought: emotion and cognition, animality and humanity, nature and culture, female and male, passion and reason, bare life and the good life, pain and value, private and public, and so on (see, e.g. , Lutz 1988, Strathern 1988). In this article I avoid such abstracting and dichotomizing traps by going straight to the heart of interjections: their everyday usage in actual discourse when seen in the context of local culture and grounded in a semiotic framework. I begin by characterizing the linguistic and ethnographic context in which I carried out my research and go on to relate interjections to other linguistic forms, showing how they are both similar to and distinct from other classes of words in natural languages. Next I provide and exemplify a semiotic framework, generalizable across languages, in terms of which the indexical objects and pragmatic functions of interjections can best be characterized. Then I detail the local usage of the 12 most commonly used interjections in Q’eqchi’ and show the way in which they are tied into all things cultural: values, norms, ontological classes, social relations, and so on. I conclude by discussing the relative frequency with which the various forms and functions of interjections are used. In short, I argue against interpretations of interjections that focus on emotional states by providing an account of their meanings in terms of situational, discursive, and social context. Linguistic and Ethnographic Context While I am attempting to provide as wide a theoretical account of interjections as I can, thereby providing a metalanguage for speaking about similar sign phenomena in other languages, I am also trying to capture the grammatical niceties of Q’eqchi’ Maya and the discursive and social particularities of one Q’eqchi’-speaking village in particular. Before I begin my analysis, then, I want to sketch the linguistic and ethnographic context in which I worked. Q’eqchi’ is a language in the Kichean branch of the Mayan family, spoken by some 360,000 speakers in Guatemala (in the departments of Alta Verapaz, Izabel, and Peten) and Belize (Kaufman 1974, Stewart 1980). 3 Lin? guistically, Q’eqchi’ is relatively well described: scholars such as Berinstein (1985), Sedat (1955), Stewart (1980), Stoll (1896), and Chen Cao et al. (1997) have discussed its syntax, morphology, phonology, and lexicon, and I have detailed various morphosyntactic forms (encoding grammatical categories such as mood, status, evidentiality, taxis, and inalienable possession) as they intersect with sociocultural values and contextual features and as they illuminate local modes of personhood (Kockelman 3. Typologically, Q’eqchi’ is a morphologically ergative, head-marking language. In Q’eqchi’, vowel length (signaled by doubling letters) is phonemic; /k/ and /q/ are velar and uvular plosives, respectively, and /x/ and /j/ are palato-alveolar and velar fricatives, respectively. All other phonemes have their standard IPA values. 2002, 2003a, b). This article is therefore part of a larger project in which I examine how intentional and evaluative stances are encoded in natural languages and the relations that such stances bear to local modes of subjectivity. Alta Verapaz, the original center of the Q’eqchi’-speaking people who still make up the majority of its population, has had a unusual history even by Guatemalan standards. In 1537, after the Spanish crown had failed to conquer the indigenous peoples living there, the Dominican Friar Bartolome de Las Casas was permitted to ?pacify the area through religious methods. Having succeeded, he changed the name of the area from Tezulutlan (Land of War) to Verapaz (True Peace), and the Dominicans were granted full control over the area—the state banning secular immigration, removing all military colonies, and nullifying previous land grants. In this way, for almost 300 years the area remained an isolated enclave, relatively protected by the paternalism of the church in comparison with other parts of Guatemala (King 1974, Sapper 1985). This ended abruptly in the late 1800s, however, with the advent of coffee growing, liberal reforms, and the in? ux of Europeans (Cambranes 1985, Wagner 1996). Divested of their land and forced to work on coffee plantations, the Q’eqchi’ began migrating north into the unpopulated lowland forests of the Peten ? and Belize (Adams 1965, Carter 1969, Howard 1975, Kockelman 1999, Pedroni 1991, Saa Vidal 1979, Schwartz 1990, Wilk 1991). In the past 40 years this migration has been fueled by a civil war that has ravaged the Guatemalan countryside, with the Q’eqchi’ ? eeing not just scarce resources and labor quotas but also their own nation’s soldiers—often forcibly conscripted speakers of other Mayan languages (Carmack 1988, IWGIA 1978, Wilson 1995). As a consequence, the past century has seen the Q’eqchi’ population spread from Alta Verapaz to the Peten and ? nally to Belize, Mexico, and even the ? United States. Indeed, although only the fourth largest of some 24 Mayan languages, Q’eqchi’ is thought to have the largest percentage of monolinguals, and the ethnic group is Guatemala’s fastest-growing and most geographically extensive (Kaufman 1974, Stewart 1980). The two key ethnographies of Q’eqchi’-speakers have been written by Wilk (1991) and Wilson (1995), the former treating household ecology in Belize and the latter upheavals in village life and identity at the height of the civil war in highland Guatemala during the 1980s. In addition to these monographs, there are also a number of dissertations and articles on the history (King 1974, Sapper 1985, Wagner 1996), ecology (Carter 1969, Secaira 1992, Wilson 1972), and migration (Adams 1965, Howard 1975, Pedroni 1991) of Q’eqchi’-speaking  people. The data for this article are based on almost two years of ethnographic and linguistic ? eldwork among speakers of Q’eqchi’, most of it in Ch’inahab, a village of some 80 families (around 650 people) in the municipality of San Juan Chamelco, in the department of Alta Verapaz. At an altitude of approximately 2,400 m, Ch’inahab is one of the highest villages in this area, with an annual precipitation of more than 2,000 mm. It is also one of k o c k e l m a n The Meanings of Interjections in Q’eqchi’ Maya F 469  the most remote, access to the closest road requiring a three-hour hike down a steep and muddy single-track trail. Its relatively high altitude and remote location provide the perfect setting for cloud forest, and such a cloud forest provides the perfect setting for the resplendent quetzal, being home to what is thought to be the highest density of such birds in the world. Because of the existence of the quetzal and the cloud forest in which it makes its home, Ch’inahab has been the site of a successful eco-tourism project the conditions and consequences of which are detailed in my dissertation (Kockelman 2002). While the majority of villagers in Ch’inahab are monolingual speakers of Q’eqchi’, some men who have served time in the army or worked as itinerant traders speak some Spanish. All the villagers are Catholic. Ch’inahab is divided by a mountain peak with dwellings on both of its sides and in the surrounding valleys. It takes about 45 minutes to hike across the village. At one end there is a biological station kept by the eco-tourism project and used sporadically by European ecologists, and at the other there is a Catholic church and a cemetery. In the center there is a small store, a school for primary and secondary grades, and a soccer ? eld. The surrounding landscape is cloud forest giving way to scattered house sites, agricultural parcels, pasture, and ? elds now fallow. All villagers engage in corn-based, or milpa, agriculture, but very few have enough land to ful? ll all of their subsistence needs. 4 For this reason, many women in the village are dedicated to chicken husbandry, most men in the village engage in seasonal labor on plantations (up to ?ve months a year in some cases), and many families engage in itinerant trade (women weaving baskets and textiles for the men to sell) and eco-tourism (the women hosting tourists and the men guiding them). Dwelling sites often contain a scattering of houses in which reside an older couple and their married sons, all of whom share a water source and a pasture. The individual families themselves often have two houses, a relatively traditional thatched-roof house in which the family cooks and sleeps and a relatively new house with a tin roof in which they host festivals and in which older children and ecotourists may sleep. Because of eco-tourism and the in? ux of money and strangers that it brings, there has been an increase in the construction of such tin-roofed houses, and, as will be seen, many of my examples of interjections come from such construction contexts. My data on the use of interjections among villagers in Ch’inahab comes from 14 months of ? eldwork carried out between 1998 and 2001. The data collection con4. Before 1968, what is now Ch’inahab was owned by the owner of a plantation. Q’eqchi’-speakers who lived in the village of Popobaj (located to the south of and lower than Ch’inahab) were permitted to make their milpa in this area in exchange for two weeks of labor per month on the ? nca (Secaira 1992:20). Only in 1968, when a group of villagers got together to form a land acquisition committee, were some 15 caballer? as (678 ha) of land purchased from the owner ? for 4,200 quetzals (US$4,200). This land, while legally owned by the entire community, was divided among the original 33 villagers as a function of their original contributions.  sisted in part of characterizing tokens of usage when I heard them and in part of tracking tokens of usage through recordings of naturally occurring conversations. 5 In particular, given the fact that many interjections occur in relatively nonconversational, task-engaged situations (house building, planting, playing, cooking, etc. ), trying to record them in such contexts was futile. Luckily, as will be seen, they often occur in modes of disruption (when some goal-directed action goes awry), which makes them relatively easy to notice in real-time context and their contextual regularities relatively easy to stipulate. In addition, I tape-recorded naturally occurring conversations in the households of three families once a week over several months, usually at dinnertime. 6 After I describe the forms and meanings of the interjections I will discuss the relative frequency of the various tokens collected and thereby illuminate which forms and meanings are most often used by whom. The Grammatical Form of Interjections There are four criteria by which interjections may be differentiated from other linguistic forms within a particular language and generalized as a form class across languages (Ameka 1992, Bloom?eld 1984[1933], Jespersen 1965, Wilkins 1992). First, all interjections are conventional lexical forms, or words, that can constitute utterances on their own (Wilkins 1992). They are conventional in that their sign carriers have relatively standardized and arbitrary phonological forms, and they can constitute utterances on their own because their only syntagmatic relation with other linguistic forms is parataxis—in which two forms are â€Å"united by the use of only one sentence pitch† (Bloom? eld 1984[1933]:171). They can therefore stand alone as perfectly sensible stretches of talk before and after which there is silence. Second, with few exceptions, no interjection is simultaneously a member of another word class (Ameka 1992a, Wilkins 1992). Almost all of them are what Ameka (1992a:105), following Bloom? eld (1984[1933]), calls primary interjections: â€Å"little words or non-words which . . . can constitute an utterance by themselves and do not normally enter into constructions with other word classes. † In Q’eqchi’, the main exceptions are interjections built, through lexical extension, from the primary interjection ay. In the case of ay dios, the additional 5. I also include several examples of interjection usage that occurred in the context of ethnographic interviews about topics other than interjections, for these often indicated that an ethnographic question was poorly posed or inappropriate in the local context. I also carried out extensive interviews about the meanings of interjections with native speakers (see Kockelman 2002 for an extended discussion of the relationship between form, usage, and speakers’ re? ections). 6.  Indeed, the best two accounts of interjection-like things— â€Å"response cries† in Goffman (1978) and â€Å"emblematic gestures† in Sherzer (1993)—explicitly take into account social interaction and ethnographic description. Good accounts of the discursive use of interjections are offered by De Bruyn (1998), Ehlich (1986), Gardner (1998), and Meng and Schrabback (1999). 470 F c u r r e n t a n t h ro p o l o g y Volume 44, Number 4, August–October 2003 element, dios, is a loan noun from Spanish, meaning â€Å"god. † In the case of ay dios atinyuwa’, besides the Spanish loanword there is a Q’eqchi’ expression, at-in-yuwa’ (you [are] my father). Interjections of this latter kind, which are or involve forms that belong to other word classes, will be called secondary interjections (again following Ameka and Bloom? eld). Similarly, the English secondary interjections damn and heavens may be used as both interjections and verbs or nouns. Third, with few exceptions, an interjection consists of a single morpheme and undergoes neither in? ectional nor derivational processes (Wilkins 1992). Interjections cannot be in? ectionally marked for grammatical categories such as tense or number, and they cannot be further derived into another form class such as noun or verb. Such forms are often classi? ed as a subclass of â€Å"particles† or discourse markers (see Ameka 1992a, Fraser 1999, Jespersen 1965, Schiffrin 1987, Wilkins 1992, and Zwicky 1985). In Q’eqchi’ there are three exceptions to this characterization. First, uyaluy is what I will call a reduplicative interjection, being composed, through syllabic reduplication, from the interjection uy. Second, ay dios and ay dios atinyuwa’ are what I will call extended interjections, being composed, through lexical extension, from the interjection ay. And lastly, the interjection ay may undergo further derivation into a delocutionary verb (becoming ayaynak, â€Å"to cry or yell continually,† often said of dogs howling), which may then undergo normal verbal in? ection for grammatical categories such as tense, aspect, person, and number. Lastly, although it is not a criterial feature, many of these forms are phonologically or morphologically anomalous, having features which mark them as odd or unique relative to the standard lexical forms of a language. For example, unlike most Q’eqchi’ words, in which stress falls on the last syllable (Stewart 1980), the interjection uyaluy has syllable-initial stress. Similarly, while reduplication is a common morphological process in Q’eqchi’ (Stewart 1980), the reduplicative interjection uyaluy is derived through a nonstandard morphological form. While many Q’eqchi’ words involve a glottalized alveolar stop, the interjection t’ is also implosive. 7 Whereas the Spanish loanword dios is usually phonetically assimilated in Q’eqchi’ as tiox when used as a noun, in the interjection ay dios there is no devoicing of the initial consonant of this noun (i.e. , /d/ does not become /t/) or palatization of its ? nal consonant (i. e. , /s/ does not become /x/). And the interjection sht differs from ordinary Q’eqchi’ words in using /sh/, rather than a vowel, as a syllabic (see Bloom? eld 1984[1933]:121). In short, it is clear from the number of quali? cations that interjections, like most linguistic forms, are dif? cult to characterize with necessary and suf? cient conditions (see Taylor 1995, Zwicky 1985). Nevertheless, they may simultaneously be differentiated from other form classes within a particular language and generalized as a form class across languages. 7. Often called a â€Å"dental click† (Wilkins 1992) or a â€Å"suction stop† (Jespersen 1965:90). Readers who speak some Spanish may have noticed that many Q’eqchi’ interjections look similar to Spanish interjections—ay (dios), uy, ah, eh, sht—and even to English interjections (sh[t] and t’). While I have no historical data that would attest to such a claim, given the history of sustained linguistic contact between speakers of Spanish and Q’eqchi’ via the colonial encounter and between speakers of Spanish and English this should come as no surprise. The one good account of interjections in Spanish (Montes 1999) discusses only a small range of the discursive functions of interjections and focuses on the internal state of the speaker. As I will show, however, the meanings of some of these interjections in Q’eqchi’ seem to bear a resemblance to their meanings in Spanish, as far as can be discerned from the comparative data. In this way, these â€Å"loan interjections† show that almost any linguistic form may be borrowed (see Brody 1995) with some maintenance of its meaning. The Meanings of Q’eqchi’ Interjections  Although interjections are relatively easy to characterize from the standpoint of grammatical form, there is no framework in terms of which one may order and compare their meanings—that is, the classes of objects and signs that they index (and thereby stand in a relationship of contiguity with) and the types of pragmatic functions they serve (and thereby may be used as a means to achieve). In what follows, I frame their use in terms of situational, discursive, and social context. I will begin with an extended example through which the framework will become clear. The Q’eqchi’ interjection chix indexes loathsome objects in the situational context. For example, when picking up his bowl of food from the ground, a man notices that he has set it in chicken feces. â€Å"Chix,† he says, scraping the bowl on the dirt to wipe off the feces. His wife, herself responsible for the chicken, then takes his bowl for herself and gives him a new one. Similarly, when opening the door to her house early one morning, a woman notices that the dog has vomited right outside the doorway. â€Å"Chix,† she says, and her ? ve-year-old son comes over to look. She tells him to scrape it away with a machete. Like most interjections that have indexical objects in the situational context, this interjection serves to call another’s attention to the object. 8 Relatedly, and as a function of responsibility assessment (husband 1 wife 1 child), it directs another’s attention to what must be cleaned up, avoided, etc. The interjection chix may also be transposed to index a sign denoting or characterizing a loathsome object (see Buhler 1990). In such cases of sign-based transposition, ? the interjection is in a relationship of contiguity with a 8. Montes (1999:1293) notes that most of the Spanish interjections she examined â€Å"seem to be associated with seeing. We ? nd that a large number of the interjections [ah, oh, uh, ay, oy, uy] used in the conversations examined co-occur with directives to ‘see’ or ‘look at’ or as a response to these directives. † k o c k e l m a n The Meanings of Interjections in Q’eqchi’ Maya F 471 sign that denotes or characterizes the object or event in question (rather than being in contiguity with the actual object or event, as in the usage of chix just discussed). In other words, it is as if the speaker were inhabiting the frame of the narrated event (Buhler 1990). In this way, ? the interjection chix indexes not just loathsomeness but also signs that refer to or predicate qualities of loathsome objects. Insofar as the denotatum of such a sign has the same qualities and values as the object itself, the modality of contiguity (being able to taste, touch, see, or smell the object in question) is suspended while the ontological class of the object (loathsomeness) is maintained. For example, in telling a story to a group of  men about a friend who was bitten by a poisonous spider while working on a plantation in the lowland area of Guatemala, the speaker describes the pus blisters that rose up on his friend’s arm. â€Å"Chix,† says one of the men listening. The other men laugh, and before continuing his story the speaker adds that the pus blisters took two weeks to heal. Like most interjections that undergo signbased transposition, such usage often serves as a backchannel cue, indicating that the speaker is listening but cannot or does not want to contribute to the topic at hand (Brown and Yule 1983:90–94; Duncan 1973; compare the usage of mmm or jeez in English). Lastly, the interjection chix may be transposed to index an addressee’s relation of contiguity with a loathsome object. In such cases of addressee-based transposition, the situational indexical object is transposed to a person other than the speaker. The speaker’s sign is audible (a relation of contiguity) to the addressee, who is in a relationship of contiguity with the object. In other words, it is as if the speaker were inhabiting the ad? dressee’s current corporal?  eld (see Buhler 1990, Hanks 1990), and, again, the modality of contiguity is suspended while the ontological class is maintained. For example, a mother watching her three-year-old son approach a dog that is defecating wormy stool calls out to him â€Å"Chix. † The child stops his advance and watches from a distance. In this most addressee-focused way, the sign is used by a parent to index that a child is within reach (typically tactile) of a disgusting object and serves as an imperative not to touch the object. Interjections are primarily indexical (see Peirce 1955) in that they stand for their objects by a relationship of contiguity rather than by a relationship of convention (as in the case of symbols) or similarity (as in the case of icons). 9 Although the indexical modality of interjections is emphasized in this article, the symbolic modality is always present in at least two interrelated ways. First, and trivially, the interjection itself has a standard9. If interjections were iconic, then they would be expected to resemble their objects. The problem with this, as exempli?  ed by Kryk-Kastovsky’s (1997) argument that interjections are the most iconic of all linguistic elements expressing surprise, is that one needs to know what â€Å"surprise† looks like when usually our only indication of surprise is the interjection or behavior itself. However, interjections as indexical of situational and discursive objects do in certain cases have iconic modalities of meaning (see, e. g. , the discussion of ay, ay dios, and ay dios atinyuwa’ below). ized but relatively arbitrary form that is conventionally used by members of a given linguistic community. Second, interjections conventionally stand in a relation of contiguity with particular classes of objects. These conventional classes of indexical objects are present in two ways. First, across interjections, one may characterize what semiotic class of objects is being indexed. Second, in the case of any particular interjection, one may characterize what ontological class of objects is being indexed. Besides indexing objects or signs in the immediate context, interjections have pragmatic functions: they serve as a means to achieve certain ends. For example, chix variously serves as an attentative (when nontransposed), a back-channel cue (when undergoing sign-based transposition), and an imperative (when undergoing addressee-based transposition). Both the objects indexed and the pragmatic functions served (see Silverstein 1987) are integral aspects of the meanings of interjections. Finally, interjections may index more than one object at once. In particular, they may index objects, signs, internal states, and social relations. In what follows, I will refer to these distinct types of indexical objects as situational, discursive, expressive, and social, respectively. Situational indexical objects are the objects or events in the immediate context of the speech event. Discursive indexical objects are the signs that occur in the speech event. 10 Together, situational and discursive indexical objects are the most stable co-occurrence regularities that interjections possess and therefore the only ones that are easy to tabulate. Expressive indexical objects are the intentional stances of the speaker—the putative mental states, whether construed as â€Å"cognitive† or â€Å"emotive. †11 Lastly, social indexical objects are the various social roles inhabited by the speaker or addressee (gender, ethnicity, age, etc. ) or the social relations that exist between the two (status, deference, politeness, etc. ). For example, chix may index not only a loathsome object in the situational context but a social relation (parentchild, husband-wife, raconteur–appreciative listener) and, in many cases, an internal state (â€Å"disgust†). And the interjection ay not only indexes a painful object in the situational context or an unexpected answer in the dis10. This is not quite the standard distinction between â€Å"text† and â€Å"context† (Montes 1999 and Wilkins 1992). For example, while it is tempting to put sign-based transposition into the discursive context for the purposes of schematizing the data, sign-based transpositions make sense only in terms of the qualities of the objects referred to by the sign indexed by the interjection. In contrast, an unsolicited response such as a dubitive is directed at the truth of another’s assertion rather than at any particular quality of the state of affairs predicated by that assertion. For this reason, dubitives belong to the discursive context and sign-based transpositions to the situational context. 11. Whereas interjections creatively index expressive indexical objects in that the interjection is often the only sign of the internal state in question, they presupposedly index situational and discursive indexical objects in that both interjection and indexical object are simultaneously present in context (see Silverstein 1976 for this distinction). This difference in semiotic status (presupposing/creative) maps onto a putative difference in ontological status (world/mind). 472 F c u r r e n t a n t h ro p o l o g y Volume 44, Number 4, August–October 2003 cursive context but also an internal state (pain) in the expressive context and a role in the social context (in particular, female gender). Many interjections index signs in the discursive context in that they co-occur with (or serve as) a response to an addressee’s previous utterance or a nonresponse. In the case of a response, the use of an interjection occurs after and makes sense only relative to the addressee’s previous utterance. For example, the interjection ih indexes an addressee’s previous statement and serves as a registerative, indicating that the speaker has heard and understood the statement. In the case of a nonresponse, the interjection may either elicit an addressee’s utterance (and thereby occur before it) or occur in the midst of the speaker.

Bowen Family Therapy Essay -- Psychology

Introduction Murray Bowen was born in 1913 in Tennessee and died in 1990. He was the oldest child in a large cohesive family. He trained as a psychiatrist and originally practiced within the psychoanalytic model. In his practice he involved mothers in the investigation of schizophrenic patients. He thought that the cause of schizophrenia begun in mother-child symbiosis which created an anxious and unhealthy attachment. His devotion to his own psychoanalytic training was set aside after his move to the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) in 1954 as he begun to shift from an individual focus to an appreciation of the dimensions of families as systems. He began to include more family members in his research and psychotherapy with schizophrenic patients. In 1959, he moved to Georgetown University and established the Georgetown Family Centre where he was a director until his death. It was here where his theory was extended to less severe emotional problems (Nichols & Schwartz, 2004, p. 120). In 1962, he undertook detailed research into families across several generations. Rather than developing a theory about pathology, Bowen focused on what he saw as the common patterns of all ‘human emotional systems’. With such a focus on the qualitative similarities of all families, Bowen was known to say frequently that there is a little schizophrenia in all of us. In 1966, Bowen published a presentation of his developing ideas and around the same time, used his concepts to guide his intervention in an emotional crisis in his own extended family which he described as a spectacular breakthrough (Kerr & Bowen, 1988). Theory concepts Bowen introduced eight interlocking concepts to explain family development and functioning. ... ...stems.ca /bowen theory and research/bowen theory Bowen, M. (1971). Family therapy and family group therapy. In Comprehensive group psychotherapy, H. Kaplan and B. Sadock, eds. Baltimore: Williams & Wilkins. Bowen, M. (1978). Family therapy in clinical practice. NY and London, Jason Aroson Brown, J. (1999). Australian and New Zealand Journal of Family Therapy (ANZJFT) 20(2), 94-103. Retrieved : http://www.familysystemstraining.com/papers/bowen-illustration-and-critique.html Guerin, P.J. (1976). Family therapy: Theory and practice. New York: Gardner Press Kerr, M., & Bowen, M. (1988). Family evaluation. New York: Norton Nichols, M.P. & Schwartz, R.C. (2004). Family therapy: Concepts and methods (6th ed.). Pearson Education Inc. US Rabstejnek, C. (2010). Family Systems and Murray Bowen theory. Web. 13 August 2015. http://www.houd.info /bowenTheory.pdf

Lord of the Flies – Piggy, Ralph, and Jack

Lord of the Flies: Piggy, Ralph, and Simon During English class, the eighth graders read Lord of the Flies. It is an adventurous novel about a group of school boys trying to survive on a lonely island. Each of the boys has their own personality and goals. While struggling to survive on the island, the boys' personalities show. My favorite character is Piggy. Piggy is a fat boy and wears glasses. He was raised by his aunt who owns a candy shop. Piggy represents the scientific, reasonable side of society.Although he is quite smart, the other boys like to make fun of him. All of the boys, that is, except Ralph. Ralph is another boy who is stranded on the island. Ralph is the athletic, charming character in the group. He is the first person Piggy runs into when they get to the island, and one of the few boys who do not make fun of him. Because of his kindness, he is elected leader of the group of boys. Ralph represents human beings’ civilizing instinct. Another one of my favorite characters is Simon. Simon is the shy, sensitive boy in Lord of the Flies.He behaves kindly toward the other kids. He is the only character whose sense of morality seems to stay the same. Simon represents a kind of natural goodness, as opposed to the evil of Jack and the imposed morality of Piggy. As all three of the boys are trying to survive, each of them have their own ideas, proven by their different roles. Each of them have their own thoughts, proven by the many arguments between each other. As every boy has his own personality, Piggy, Ralph, and Jack are my favorites.

Twilight Samurai is situated in Japan throughout the time...

Twilight Samurai is situated in Japan throughout the time of the Meiji Restoration, circa 1868 - the same period as Kurosawas incredible The Seven Samurai and Edward Zwicks exquisite The Last Samurai. The three movies bargain in distinctive routes with a period when samurai still attempted to live by the Code of Bushido, even as they confronted destitution or unemployment in an evolving pop culture. The Last Samurai is about samurai contradicting the heads moves to modernize Japan; unexpectedly, we discover that the saint of Sundown Samurai battled and kicked the bucket in that insubordination - after the story of this film is over. His name is Seibei (Hiroyuki Sanada), and he exists under the tenet of his group in northeast†¦show more content†¦It happens that his youth sweetheart Tomoe (Rie Miyazawa) has barely separated her wife-beating spouse, and starts to help around the house. The young ladies adore her, yet Seibei is timid and tired and cant envision remarrying. The group comes to him with a work: He is to kill the boisterous Yogo (Min Tanaka), a samurai who has been utilized by the tribe for just four years, after a long desperate time of meandering the farmland. Yogo, acknowledged insane, has declined the factions recommendation that he slaughter himself. That appears normal enough to me, however the group must maintain its gauges even as now is the ideal time is passing, along these lines the hesitant Seibei is renumerated and coerced into undertaking the work. The end third of the film is wonderful in the way it accumulates all we have researched Seibei, and utilization it to bring profundity to what could have been a routine movement succession, however is considerably more. We see Tomoe timidly equipping him for the fight to come (Allow me to brush your hair), and after a vital discussion, he abandons her and goes to Yogos home, where the group of a prior emissary lies in the patio, secured by a swarm of flies. I wont obviously let you know what happens inside the house, or whatShow MoreRelatedOne Significant Change That Has Occurred in the World Between 1900 and 2005. Explain the Impact This Change Has Made on Our Lives and Why It Is an Important Change.163893 Words   |  656 Pagescase can be made for viewing the decades of the global scramble for colonies after 1870 as a predictable culmination of the long nineteenth century, which was ushered in by the industrial and political revolutions of the late 1700s. But at the same time, without serious attention to the processes and misguided policies that led to decades of agrarian and industrial depression from the late 1860s to the 1890s, as well as the social tensions and political rivalries that generated and were in turn